My submissions to the recent round of Planning Reform Proposals by this dastardly government:
Review of the current planning system: published 06.08.20, consultation closed 01.10.20. This proposed changes to:
- Standard method for calculating housing need – using algorithms
- Delivering First Homes: planning issues
- Threshold for developer contributions
- Permission in principle
Copy of my submission is here:
Dear Sir / Madam,
the Proposed Changes to Current System which sets out the Government’s proposals for measures to improve the effectiveness of the current planning system
My submission is based on my role as a three tier publicly elected Councillor and has been informed further to many conversations I have had with members of the public , fellow Councillors and professional planners who are equally appalled at these proposals.
My submission is set out as summary headlines followed by detailed responses to each of the 4 main proposals which are:
- changes to the standard method for assessing local housing need
- securing of First Homes through developer contributions in the short term until the transition to a new system
- supporting small and medium-sized builders by temporarily lifting the small sites threshold below which developers do not need to contribute to affordable housing
- extending the current Permission in Principle to major development
Summary:
- The proposed algorithm to set the number of new homes needed is arbitrary and in many cases undeliverable. It doesn’t address the actual need for housing – i.e. right place, scale & size and could work against meeting needs or ‘levelling up’. The additional development that would be proposed by these new planning requirements is not sustainable and contrary to the Climate and Ecological Emergency that has been declared all over the UK (and worldwide).
- I oppose the proposed centralisation of decision making on the best mix of affordable housing i.e. the blanket requirement for 25% ‘ first homes’ requirement regardless of the local situation and identified local need; which in many places is affordable rented housing and social rented housing, especially council housing
- I also oppose the proposed change to the threshold for providing affordable rented housing – we need far more affordable homes for people to meet well established local needs, not fewer.
- I believe expanding “permission in principle” is unnecessary: the existing system has gained little benefit to meeting housing needs, can be locally divisive, and has little support among developers and it could continue the worst examples of poor quality development gained through expanded “permitted development” rights, through removing effective local authority control.
- Proposed changes to the standard method for assessing local housing need leading to unrealistic undeliverable housing numbers
I acknowledge the need to build more housing – but it must be the right housing, of the right scale and size, in the right place. Simply deciding on an algorithm to apportion 300,000 homes per year without any evidence being produced to support this target is doomed to failure – it will be another GCSE grades mistake and create chaos all over again. In many areas, there simply isn’t the land available to build more housing, and dictating a target from on high, without any evidence based guidance, isn’t going to change that.
Furthermore, the focus on the “number of dwellings” does nothing to address the complexity of housing need. There is a world of difference between 300,000 executive homes and 300,000 single flats but the proposed approach does not differentiate between these two extremes. Any targets must be broken down by size of dwelling and identified local housing needs. To deliver without understanding or responding to the local planning need will simply lead to more unaffordable housing, possibly left unoccupied.
Whilst the use of more up to date population estimates is welcomed, many residents and local councillors are deeply concerned about the adverse impact on communities, the environment and escalating land values, with many reporting that the numbers allocated to their areas as a result of the changes to the standard method are simply not deliverable. There is a wealth of local creativity that suggests through local community based systems such as Community Land Trusts, Co-Housing and similar ‘bottom-up’ initiatives, a wide range of housing that can respond positively to mitigating the climate and biodiversity crisis; these new national strategic proposals would undermine those proactive initiatives and their potentially wide ranging contributions to the housing market.
The chance should be taken to clarify the definition of housing units, for example removing ambiguity over ‘co-housing’ which has been exploited in some areas.
The formula is skewed towards developers and the land industry. It will encourage more development where prices are higher – and profits maximised – which disadvantages the areas where prices are lower.
For example in the area which I am a three tier locally elected representative, the proposed algorithm suggests an increase multiplier of 2.4 on the annual housing delivery rates of the Joint Local Plan which includes South Hams District Council. Under the current Local Plan, the current rate of new homes delivery in South Hams is 325 per annum, under the proposed algorithm this would rise to 769 new homes each year, adding a total of 10,000 new homes across the Joint Local Plan area (which comprises Plymouth City, West Devon Borough and South Hams District Councils). This is a shocking increase and I’m aware that the planners in the three planning departments within the Joint Local Plan area will defend vigorously the Joint Local Plan and its robust policies and housing delivery plans as established and approved by all three Local Authorities.
Local Neighbourhood Plans and the Localism Bill under which they have been commissioned and to date their statutory position as a material consideration in planning decisions are also being severely compromised by these proposals. Many years of extensive community work, local authority supports and substantial amounts of public money have been spent on developing these important local plans, some of which are only just coming into fruition. To cast asunder their carefully considered local policies and site allocations that meet extensive evidence based local housing and business needs is to disempower local communities at a stroke and undermine their enthusiasm for local involvement and local volunteering which is so very important to the wellbeing of local society and good citizenship. (The national response to the COVID crisis would have been very severely lacking without the generous and heartfelt response of local volunteers, many of them the same people involved in their local Neighbourhood Plans).
The major increase in delivering and building these new housing developments, the additional new infrastructure and the heating and impact of new households in all these new homes does not take into account the huge carbon footprint which will tip the UK into dangerous levels of additional carbon emissions. The impact of major loss of wildlife habitat that these new developments and their associated infrastructure will have a substantial adverse impact on wildlife populations which we know have already dramatically decreased by over 60% in the past 50 years, this is not sustainable and will impact on food productions and air quality as well as our wellbeing. This is blatantly contrary to addressing the climate and ecological crisis that local authorities all over the UK and the wider world as well as the UK Parliament have declared. It is not compatible with those assurances of parliament or the efforts that local authorities are trying to achieve to save our planet. Man made Climate change and the Extinction of our wildlife and Biodiversity are real, factually evidenced and need to be mitigated not added to by this reckless set of proposals.
- Loss of Affordable Housing – through affordable housing threshold
I completely oppose the raising of the small site threshold above 10 homes, as it will directly reduce the amount of affordable housing provided by the planning system. This level has already been contentious as the previously more beneficial threshold of above 5 homes was sought for rural areas as more complimentary to local schemes. To reduce this requirement on developers to offer the real benefit to the communities, who are often substantially impacted by large scale development of 10+ new houses in their area, while allowing those developers to retain the additional 25% profit on top of the overall costs of their development, will further erode the opportunity for communities to meet their housing needs.
There is no evidence provided in the consultation or elsewhere else that this measure will achieve the desired effect of encouraging sites to come forward or benefitting smaller builders and developers. It could have unintended consequences e.g. developers may start submitting below the new threshold in order to avoid affordable housing obligations.
Existing rules define “small sites” as less than 10 units of housing. There have been cases where developers artificially split sites into smaller ones to avoid contributions – i.e. the abuse the Government identifies a paragraph 81. developers should not be allowed to break up large sites to enable them to deliver housing numbers just below the proposed increased threshold that avoids affordable housing obligations.
- First Homes
I welcome the principle of requiring affordable housing and that the Local Planning Authority can increase the affordability discount – on whatever tenure – to up to 50%. however the authority must be able to determine the mix of types of affordability.
I therefore strongly oppose the ‘First Homes’ proposal to require a percentage of discounted ‘for sale’ on affordable housing. This is a politically driven suggestion, without an evidence base, that favours ownership over renting. It would take away local control and unacceptably centralise decision making on affordable housing priorities without regard for local need. Many of the areas with the greatest housing shortages and the highest prices are in dire need of affordable rented housing, especially social housing and many local authorities are committed to responding to this need. Making a compulsory quota for sale, not affordable rent, will directly impact the ability of local authorities and housing associations to deliver much needed homes for people.
I also welcome the requirement for first homes to be affordable in perpetuity. However, the ability for banks to remove that requirement where a home is repossessed in order to protect their investment should not be allowed.
In principle, I support the implied (though not explicit) requirement in the proposal for affordable homes to be delivered on-site but this should be strengthened to require that they are ‘tenure blind’ i.e. affordable homes that are mixed with standard ones, ‘pepper-potting’. Creating ‘ghettos’ of “affordable housing” segregated at the edges of housing developments (and often the closest houses to the road), or “poor doors” directly contravenes the stated aim of “happier, more rooted communities”, and undermines inclusivity in local communities.
- Extension of Permission in Principle – and note on opposition to extension of permitted development
This appears to be an unnecessary tool, with Government evidence that developers have limited understanding of the current system. It would seem to conflict with the aim of the Future Planning white paper to focus on good design and I am aware that many people, including myself have strong concerns it could further weaken councils’ control over planning and further dilute scrutiny. I am concerned that the problems already experienced with permitted development, could be exacerbated if permission in principle is extended. It also seems to add yet another layer of complexity, with little advantage for developers or neighbourhoods.
There could be an advantage for local authorities in bringing forward land for social housing. However, the consultation document is so light on detail about how it would be applied that it is hard to comment.
Although not included within this consultation – as it has already been bulldozed through Parliament – we would like to register that I am strongly opposed to the extension of permitted development which evidence shows is already leading to the slums of the future.
- Public sector equality duty
I am concerned that no equality impact assessment has been carried out on these proposals as a whole, other than for the First Homes proposal. Disabled people face many more barriers to adequate housing compared to the general population. Persons, and particularly households on a low income may also face additional barriers due to reductions in the numbers of affordable units and family homes being required I these proposlas.
The PSED includes the particular duty to have due regard to the need to take steps to meet the needs of people with disabilities where they differ from the needs of those without disabilities. It also includes the duty to have due regard to the need to tackle prejudice and promote understanding. This may be particularly relevant, for instance, to the arrangements for affordable housing.
The proposal should therefore not be taken forward without a full equality impact assessment.
I hope you will take fully into account all the views and concerns about these destructive and ill-considered proposals that are being raised by submissions to this public consultation.
Please acknowledge receipt of this submission.
Yours faithfully,
Cllr. Jacqi Hodgson
The next Set of new proposals were in White Paper: Planning for the Future: The White Paper was the Government’s new vision for England’s planning System Submissions were due in 28.10.20.
The Planning for the Future White Paper consultation proposed reforms of the planning system intended to streamline and modernise, bring a new focus to design and sustainability, improve the system of developer contributions to infrastructure, and ensure more land was available for development where needed. It identified a series of national challenges including shortage of high-quality homes; combating climate change; improving biodiversity; and, supporting sustainable growth and considered the current planning system adversely impacted on addressing the challenges. A number of issues had been identified, for example, the system was too complex, took too long to adopt a local plan and had lost public trust.
The paper then set out a series of ambitions for a new planning system such as ambition for the places created, moving democracy forward in the planning process, improve the user experience, support home ownership, increase the supply of land available, support innovative developers and promote the stewardship and improvement of the countryside and environment. The key proposals were described in three pillars;
· Pillar 1 – planning for development;
· Pillar 2 – planning for beautiful and sustainable places; and
· Pillar 3 – planning for infrastructure and connected places
In terms of the Pillar One proposals these would impact on the Council’s planning functions in three specific ways, identification of Minerals and Waste Sites, Local Issues for Minerals and Waste Sites and Essential Infrastructure Issues and the Report explained these implications in more detail.
For Pillar Two (planning for beautiful and sustainable places), it was recognised that good design was key to providing development acceptable to local communities and specifically referenced its wider vision for cycling and walking. This was welcomed and the Council, in its role as transportation authority, would have an important role.
For Pillar three, the issues related to the funding of Essential Infrastructure and a Levy based on Final Value and again the Report explained the issues in more detail.
In summary, the White Paper raised several specific and technical issues which would have a direct impact on the planning functions, corporate goals and statutory responsibilities of the Council. The Report highlighted the five most significant issues, and it was therefore considered appropriate for officers, in consultation with the Leader, to submit a response to the Government consultation.
My submission to the public consultation regarding:
Planning for the Future – White Paper proposals
……to fundamentally change thecurrent planning system.
Dear Sir / Madam,
My submission is based on my role as a three tier publicly elected Councillor and has been informed further to many conversations I have had with members of the public , fellow Councillors and professional planners who are equally appalled at these proposals.
This submission is set out as summary headlines followed by detailed responses under each of the following headings:
- Climate change & Biodiversity
- Health, Wellbeing and A right to local Green Space
- Use of land and meeting everyone’s housing needs
- Zoning
- Impact on Neighbourhood Plans
- Public sector equality duty
- Community Views and others
Summary
This White Paper which sets out the Government’s proposals for changes to the current planning system, will not meet the real housing needs, but instead will bring irreversible damage to England, our countryside and wildlife, wreck further damage to the climate and leave a lasting legacy of fields full of low quality housing.
To some extent I agree the planning system is over-complex, out of date and in need of reform, not providing many people with the homes they need and failing to value the climate, biodiversity or create better communities. However this white paper takes the wrong approach and indeed makes the wrong assumptions about what is actually wrong with the system, failing to look properly at the evidence and to understand the reasons for failed delivery of housing. It is a missed opportunity to address climate change, rebuild ecosystems and to bring forward proven solutions to the housing crisis including investment in local authority house building and a right to green space. It seeks simple answers without understanding the complexity of the problems. It is not based on the evidence available. It should not have been presented as a White Paper as it is nowhere near ready for legislation – it is entirely lacking in the detail in key areas.
At the heart of these appalling proposals is the further tight centralisation of power and decision making away from local communities and local planners. This will further decimate and undermine a crafted system that worked pretty well until the disastrous 2012 Planning Policy Framework (well documented as a very poor piece of legislation – that was essentially a ‘developer’s charter’ ) that in turn undermined the Localism Act of 2010 and the Neighbourhood Plans that have followed since. This new legislation will strip those hard won Neighbourhood Plans of all the rights and promises made by Nick Bowls as Planning Minister at the time. This is a stab in back for local democracy, good planning and citizen engagement. All it seems for political ends.
I am completely opposed to this over-centralised approach which will damage local democracy and take away local control. This in turn could also damage the reputation and confidence of the standing of property developers and the planning system in the local community. The failures including those around infrastructure provision will have a detrimental effect on good neighbourhoods.
Climate change & Biodiversity
There is a fundamental failure to place carbon reduction front and centre in approach and policies. Alongside the 10% net gain in biodiversity, there should be an equivalent commitment to carbon reduction. Every development should not only be carbon neutral but should be generating more power than it uses. The current proposal to be ‘carbon net zero-ready by 2050’ is simply not good enough and fails to meet the 2025 and 2030 targets that many Local authorities are adopting.
The white paper is strangely silent on transport and the all-important need for the planning system to ensure that development takes place only in sustainable places with a commitment to a major shift from car journeys to sustainable modes of transport. Planning policy has a crucial impact on tackling climate change by building the right homes in the right place, with minimal use of resources for travelling between the concepts of home and work. All new homes should be designed suitably for working from home; also reflecting the quantum change in behaviour that the COVID pandemic has brought to many UK residents and their families.
The replacement system of environmental assessments is deeply concerning, as there is no detail or even sense of importance about making these work better. A clear straightforward means of assessment that assesses carbon impact, constraints including flooding and air quality issues is essential.
Whilst the commitment to Biodiversity net gain is welcomed, we need to go much further, acknowledging the urgent need for national policy to address our biodiversity emergency, and catastrophic species loss in which land use – and loss – plays a crucial role. The metrics for Biodiversity net gain need to ensure we fully recognise the importance of preventing the loss of any wild areas and their associated habitats and species, some of which may be known to be endangered and protected. We need to ensure we don’t undermine the vitality and ability to thrive of wildlife, in particular endangered species, or the loss of a long-established habitat such as ancient woodlands, wildlife corridors or wetlands and the value of gardens and scrubby bits of land and brownfield sites for wildlife in assessment of areas for development (not just assuming that for example an ancient woodland or a protected species cannot simply be ‘replaced’ or moved elsewhere).
The design codes proposed seem to be centred around beauty at the expense of sustainability and takes a gimmicky and subjective approach. Tree-lined streets are welcome but are not enough. In any case they must be the right species in the right place that will survive rising temperatures and not damage pavements.
Current local planning systems are one of the most effective ways for local authorities to tackle climate change. It is vital that the local design codes proposed are not restricted to dealing with appearance and ‘beauty’. Beauty is important but in any case hard to legislate for and can lead to pastiche. Lack of beauty is important – but not the biggest crisis facing us.
Design codes – both local and national – must allow for meaningful action on sustainability including local requirements for carbon neutrality in buildings, biodiversity, construction methods, and for infrastructure planning that puts requirements for safe walking, safe cyclingand proximity to public transport at the heart of plans to create liveable communities. They should be genuinely locally driven – this will not be achieved through a centralised system reliant on ‘machine reading’ instead of human planners.
Climate change will not be solved by using a more attractive cladding.
On Community Infrastructure Levy (CIL) reform, the new levy should not only be based on the type of housing but on the carbon and environmental credentials of a building and the development site, effectively offering a discount to those developers that build to the highest environmental standards and incentivising them doing the ‘right thing’.
I am also concerned that the new infrastructure levy as proposed could be siphoned into non-infrastructure spending
- Bundling affordable housing in with infrastructure – when it isn’t – could reduce the amount of affordable housing provided (an impact compounded by the proposed changes to the current system – see my previous consultation response to changes to the current planning system)
- I am opposed to the suggestion that infrastructure levy could be used for other types of spend, unrelated to development and even ‘council tax reduction’ which would simply serve to undermine Local Councils, already severely impacted by the austerity measures of the last decade.
Affordable housing spend must be prioritised, and infrastructure spending must be ring fenced for the infrastructure needed to enable development and especially infrastructure for low carbon living and increased biodiversity e.g.
- Grid upgrades to enable more locally produced renewable energy into the grid
- Provision of renewable energy including solar PV on all roofs as standard
- Rural and urban sustainable drainage (applying natural flood management principles)
- Climate change adaptation
- Safe walking and cycle routes
- Public transport
- Schools, health & social care facilities
- Community & cultural space
- Local shops
- Parks and green spaces
- Allotments & other food growing space
- Tree lined streets
- Access to nature and wildlife places
If the new Infrastructure Levy is to be based on the value of the development, areas with low house values will lose out. This will work against ‘levelling up’. There is some justification for higher levies where there are high house values, as the high cost of land will also mean higher costs for providing infrastructure (and affordable housing) but this needs to be balanced. Any formula should take into account income and affordability, not just be set at a flat rate across the county.
If reform goes ahead we must see:
- Local design codes that need to be able to incorporate areas which are currently set through local planning policy. They should not be purely about appearance and ‘beauty’ but allow rules addressing the climate emergency e.g. zero carbon building, transport design, building waste and packaging and materials minimisation.
- The energy efficiency standards required at national level are much greater than those proposed – requiring generation – or at the very least fully zero carbon or Passive House standards.
- Rigorous environmental assessment.
- Meaningful biodiversity net gain which recognises the true and long-term impact of species loss and the nature emergency (where over 60% of wildlife in the UK has been lost in the last 50 years)
- Infrastructure contributions should incentivise high environmental standards.
- The infrastructure levy ring-fenced for infrastructure especially low carbon infrastructure and balanced to ensure levelling up not levelling down.
- The option to include stringent conditions around the process of construction e.g. traffic, dust, noise and site management.
Health, Wellbeing and A right to local Green Space
As outlined in Caroline Lucas MP’sEarly Day Motioncalling on the Government to put democracy, affordability, people’s wellbeing and the right to access nature at the centre of any planning reforms, we recognise the overwhelming evidence of the link between people’s mental and physical health and the quality of their homes and neighbourhoods, including access to nature.
These proposals fail to deliver on this essential vision. A right to access to nature for all should be at the heart of the planning reform process.
The COVID pandemic crisis has provided clear evidence of the need for access to nature for people’s quality of life and mental health. The impact on society of this pandemic is likely to last a lot longer than this virus and the social restrictions imposed, and there may well be a further pandemic in our globalised world. The need to address health and well-being has never been so widely acknowledged and the need to respond to this should inform all future planning legislation.
Use of land and meeting everyone’s housing needs
This white paper completely fails to address the real barriers to house building – the need for land value tax, penalties for land-banking, proper resourcing of planning authorities and finance to invest in good quality council housing.
These proposals could lead to a proliferation of greenfield, out of town, car-driven developments which are loved by both the development industry and the land-selling industry because they maximise profits for both these industries. These dormitory housing estates are far less sustainable than brownfield development near existing transport and services and are often unpopular with communities as they take away precious open farmland and green space, as well as harbouring the potential for social isolation problems. These ‘fields full of new houses’ compromise farming and undermine the ability of the farming community of this country to provide food and have resilience in the supply of food, in particular after BREXIT.
There is also clear evidence that the best way to bring about more and better housing of the kind needed by our communities, whilst at the same time stimulating our economy post COVID, is to make finance available to local authorities to build council housing and this white paper is a wasted opportunity to bring this about. We need to see a serious national approach to affordable and social housing which also encompasses withdrawing the right to buy legislation (which has failed). A proper definition of affordable housing is also required. The paper aims to provide at least as much affordable housing as under the current system but should be much more ambitious than that – particularly as regards affordable rented housing which is undersupplied at present..
The white paper fails to address the failure of the house building industry to bring forward developments which have been given permission but which developers are failing to build out, instead ‘land banking’ these sites.
There is a gap around ensuring continued investment in affordable homes provided by community land trusts. This needs to receive financial support to incentivise these groups to support the delivery of local affordable housing (many of these developments include high environmental standards)
Additionally, I am concerned that the problem of systematic cuts from government leading to continued under-resourcing of local authority planning departments is not acknowledged or addressed. On top of the existing deficit, undertaking wholesale planning reform will require additional resources. It would probably be more cost efficient and better value to use these resources to fund local authority planning departments to undertake the new requirements.
Additionally, to have any hope of success, substantial reform should not be taking place alongside a period of local government reorganisation (or ‘devolution’ as this is euphemistically being called) as the two things simply aren’t possible alongside each other.
I believe that reforming the planning system as suggested will not result in more houses being built because land prices and the profit to be gained from getting planning permissions on undervalued and under-priced agricultural land are not being addressed.
The White Paper instead should seek:
- to reform the Land Compensation Act 1961
- enhanced Compulsory Purchase Orders and land assembly powers for local authorities
- Incentives for developers to go ahead with construction when planning permission is granted, and penalties when they don’t (e.g. time limits, financial penalties)
- A carefully designed Land Value Tax
- Investment in council housing and stopping the Right to Buy policy – one counters the other
- Support for community land trusts
- Addressing the deficit in local authority planning services and additional resources to enable reform
Additionally, planning reform must not take place alongside local government reorganisation
Zoning
In principle, there could be advantages to a more accessible and visual approach to local planning, if this genuinely allows communities to engage better at an earlier stage of the planning process. However, the proposals as set out, entirely lack detail about how this would be achieved and fail to address digital exclusion. Given the proposals were developed without reference to any expert in community involvement (or even a single local planning authority) it is not surprising that in practice the proposals are heavily skewed againsta better deal for communities.
The principles of localism appear to have been entirely abandoned. Localism needs to be embedded in the reforms, building on the work on Neighbourhood Planning that has been so successful in many parishes and towns around the country, an approach I have been involved in with the town and parishes I represent and continue to strongly support.
There is a multitude of objection to the idea of Zoning and there are many concerns raised by many fellow Councillors, planners and residents I have discussed this paper with about the split into Growth/ Renewal/Protected zones and how this would work in practice. These are not sufficiently nuanced.
The proposals simply do not put our communities at the heart when it comes to decision making and they tilt the balance of the planning system further in favour of large scale development and land-buying industries. The zones are too broad and do not allow for local circumstances or attempt to complement local geography which always been at the heart of planning.
Growth zones must first pass environmental assessments / sustainability tests and the current proposals do not provide a practical way for this to take place – as there is no allowance in the process for resources needed for these assessments to take place prior to allocation.
The lack of clarity on the future role of local authority planning committees is a gaping hole in the proposed current reforms. Whilst the idea of streamlining decision making to help bring forward more homes more quickly sounds positive, this must not be at the expense of the role of local councillors, who know their areas better, in scrutinising development proposals at all stages of the planning process and for public consultation. There needs to be the opportunity for communities’ specific comments on an actual project to be raised so they can be debated when deciding the outcome.
I am concerned that land seems to be viewed simply as a commodity, instead of a precious resource with natural constraints. Land, including open countryside which does not have an official designation such as an AONB, is fundamental to our lives and wildlife. It is key to biodiversity, captures carbon, and is extremely important to local residents and areas that rely on tourism. Additionally, smart land use for renewables, rewilding, food production etc. is key to a low-carbon future.
The importance of agricultural and food producing land must be understood as essential for food security, which in a world affected by climate change will become increasingly important.
Employment space is largely ignored which is a huge oversight. A joined up approach, that looks beyond just providing housing, should also consider the sustainability of future economies. This should include progressive design such as looking at ‘15 minute neighbourhoods’ or ‘1 job per household’ etc. Employment space barely features in these new proposals.
Waste and minerals planning is fundamental to sustainable planning legislation and should be reframed in a circular economy approach to ensure waste is treated as a resource. However, regrettable this seems to have also been forgotten in this White Paper so it is hard to comment.
Putting too much emphasis on a ‘fixed’ set of rules for development set at one particular moment in time means there is then no opportunity to respond through the planning system as and when local or national circumstances change, which they surely will with growing communities, climate changes, flooding and sea level rise and the need to provide more wildlife habitats. The pandemic should have taught us all about the need to retain the flexibility to adapt to changing times. Flexibility and adaptability is key to good legislation, which this isn’t.
Conversely, if every single possible future scenario is planned for, design codes will become unworkably complex (as we see in other zoned areas e.g. the 1600 page New York design code) – entirely defeating the point of this reform. Design Codes as proposed above are simply based on key principles and far easier to be understood and implemented.
This white paper is part of a centralising approach which reduces the power of local government, undermines democracy and which fails to recognise the importance of local communities, geographical areas, history and distinctiveness which should be at the heart of effective placemaking.
We agree that the proposals would lead to greater complexity (despite the stated desire for simplifying the system) and especially the need for much greater clarity. If reform does go ahead some of the key requirements I would support are:
- The designation of Growth and Renewal areas MUST be co-designed with local residents;
- Growth zones must first pass environmental assessments and sustainability tests.
- There needs to be additional categories in the zoning system e.g. protected designations to recognise the importance of open countryside and other undeveloped land separate to land which is otherwise designated as AONB, National Parks etc.
- There need to be additional categories of land use which will enable local areas to set local targets, for example
- Renewable energy generation
- Food production
- Rewilding and nature
- Carbon sequestration
- Involving people better earlier in the process must not exclude the involvement of communities later in the process as locally affected populations, and both local and national circumstances change.
- Digitally excluded people need to be included.
- Reducing the role of democratically elected councillors in the process would mean less accountability and this must not happen.
- There needs to be consideration given to the transition period – how do local authorities move from the current system to a future one without a policy void?
- Local Planning authorities must remain part of the new system
- Neighbourhood Planning must retain the power to determine local preferences for local development.
- Ensuring proper resources for local authorities to implement the new system
- Recognising and compensating for historic under-resourcing
- Ensuring local authorities have both the time and the money to provide the evidence base – and the community engagement needed for co-design that would allow them to allocate ‘growth’ zones, otherwise they are just fantasy.
Impact on Neighbourhood Plans
A continuing commitment to Neighbourhood Planning is welcome however more investment is required to support communities to meet both the technical requirements and enable community participation. This should particularly focus on NPs in urban areas – as the vast proportion of NPs have been developed to date in parished rural areas. Those that are completed and pass a local referendum must retain the provisions and status as originally set out in the Localism Act 2011.
Guidance on housing supply in NP areas should be provided, with a margin for flexibility over or under those numbers to allow especially small sites to be developed. The greater % of CIL to be allocated to an area with a NP should be maintained. The status and weighting of NP’s and their policies in relation to the adopted plan should be clarified as part of any reform.
Public Sector Equality Duty (PSED)
It is disappointing that no equality impact assessment has been carried out for these proposals. Despite the claim that the Government is “mindful of its responsibility” in relation to its legal duty under s.149 of the Equality Act 2010, and the fact this is described as a White Paper, there is no evidence that any steps have been taken to comply with this duty. The duty includes a “duty of inquiry” to find out the impact on groups with protected characteristics.
Disabled people face many more barriers than the general population, not just in terms of access to housing but also every aspect of their interface with the built environment. BAME populations may face additional barriers due to correlation with relative income profiles and to family size.
The PSED includes the particular duty to have due regard to the need to take steps to meet the needs of people with disabilities where they differ from the needs of those without disabilities. The White paper is silent on the integration of accessibility with development.
PSED also includes the duty to have due regard to the need to tackle prejudice and promote understanding. This may be particularly relevant, for instance, to the arrangements for affordable housing. Also with regard tof Gypsy and Traveller provision – which in the White Paper has apparently been forgotten. There should be provision in every area.
The proposals should therefore not be taken forward without a full equality impact assessment.
Community Views and others
The considerable concerns expressed regarding these planning proposals have come from a wide variety of people across the UK. The Planning Authority at South Hams District Council has expressed grave concerns and a working including Ward Members raised very serious questions about these proposals and the likely substantial negative impact if they come into force.
Many local residents have contacted me about these proposals, voicing concerns in particular stating:
Support for The Wildlife Trusts view that as they stand, current proposals for reform in England (set out in the Planning White Paper) will not lead to a system fit for the future.
Instead, these reforms could:
– increase nature’s decline;
– fail to integrate nature into people’s lives; and
– undermine the democratic process for local decision-making.
And that:
Planning is devolved, but any system should be about creating and enhancing areas places where we can all lead happier and healthier lives, and enjoy and benefit from the environment around us. But there’s not even a suggestion in the White Paper of including nature or accessible green spaces into the new Growth or Renewal areas! And there would be no change for wildlife in the Protected area, leaving things as they are – an approach which we know is already failing wildlife, and us.
Lastly, but perhaps most importantly for residents, the reforms are aiming to make it easier for people to get involved in planning, so we can be part of shaping the places where we live and work. Yet there will be little regard to balancing the needs and interests of residents, or opportunity for local opinion in the future without changes to the current proposals.
I’m very aware of the considerable wider criticism to these proposals. These critics including the chief executive of the Royal Town Planning Institute (RTPI), Victoria Hills, who voiced concern about the approach that the white paper was expected to take and the “planner bashing rhetoric” and argued that sweeping away the planning system was not the right response. The President of the Royal Institute of British Architects, Alan Jones, who described these proposals as “shameful”. The Campaign to Protect Rural England (CPRE) has criticised “pitiful aims” and called for “robust legal guarantees” and has grave concerns about how community involvement would work within a zoning system and “missed chances” around carbon-neutral, affordable housing. Shelter, the housing charity has expressed concern at the reforms’ potential impact on social housing. The Mayor of London says that the changes would be a “disaster for London” and a “nakedly ideological assault on local democracy”. The Local Government Association said it was vital that new homes should be delivered through a locally-led planning system and communities should retain the right to shape the areas in which they live.
I hope you will take fully into account all the views and concerns about these destructive and ill-considered proposals that are being responded to and raised by my submission and others to this public consultation.
Please acknowledge receipt of this submission.
Yours faithfully,
Cllr. Jacqi Hodgson
